يقدم لكم موقع إقرأ أقوى تعبير عن زهرة ظريف بالانجليزية ، و معلومات عن زهرة ظريف بالانجليزية 4 متوسط ، و طفولة زهرة ظريف بالانجليزية ، و حوار مع زهرة ظريف ، و حياة المجاهدة زهرة ظريف ، زهرة ظريف حرم الرئيس رابح بيطاط عمِلت عدة سنوات عضوا في مجلس الأمة عاشت الثورة وشاركت في عمليات نفذت في العاصمة لها كتاب «مذكرات امرأة مناضلة» من حرب التحرير الجزائرية باللغة الفرنسية وتُرجم إلى العربية ، إليكم التفاصيل تعبير عن زهرة ظريف بالانجليزية .

تعبير عن زهرة ظريف بالانجليزية

نموذج تعبير عن زهرة ظريف بالانجليزية :

تعبير عن زهرة ظريف بالانجليزية
تعبير عن زهرة ظريف بالانجليزية

Zahra Zarif Bitat, born in 1934 in the city of Tsimsilt. Her family’s lineage goes back to the Idrisid, who ruled Al-Aqsa Morocco for centuries, and are affiliated with the Prophet Muhammad. Her grandfather was the imam of the corner of Sidi Abbas Ibn Ammar. As for her father, he graduated from the Faculty of Arts, University of Algiers, with a degree in Islamic law, and worked as a judge in the state of Tiaret.

She began her studies in the capital, at the “Fromontane” secondary school, which today bears the name “Boumama”. There was only one Algerian girl with her, Samia Lakhdari, who is also the daughter of the capital’s judge.

In conjunction with her law studies at the University of Algiers, she was the first woman to participate in planting bombs during the liberation revolution. On September 30, 1956, a bomb was placed in the Milk Bar cafe, killing 3 Frenchmen and injuring dozens.

She was arrested with Yacef Saadi, a well-known leader in the war of liberation, in the Kasbah, Algiers, in October 1957. In August 1958 she was sentenced to 20 years’ imprisonment with hard labour.

And about the period before her arrest, Zarif recounts: “In January 1957, I was a hunted student. The National Liberation Front was asking the activists to leave the places they usually frequented, and to go to the Kasbah, which was the back base of their networks.”

And she confirms that the front “was very strict in its organization and also strict in applying its rules related to secret work, because the effectiveness of the movements is largely related to that.” And she continues, “In the face of the violence of the French military, we organized ourselves to identify the identities of the missing and record them in yellow notebooks. Our teams roamed the Kasbah and the neighborhoods of Belcourt and Salam bier to collect these names, which were then published in France.”

Despite her great name in the Algerian revolution, Zarif has finally had his share of accusations. Last January, Yassef Saadi indirectly accused her of collaborating with the French during the war of liberation.

He said that she wrote to the martyr Hassiba Ben Bouali advising her not to sacrifice herself, and to abandon her companions. Saadi was surprised at how Zarif was able to correspond with Hassiba at the place of her disappearance, before the French colonizer decided to blow up the building in which Hassiba was hiding, accompanied by other militants, on October 8, 1957.

قد يهمك :

معلومات عن زهرة ظريف بالانجليزية 4

نموذج معلومات عن زهرة ظريف بالانجليزية 4 :

The Algerian activist says that the French, who numbered 2.5 million in the mid-1950s, lived in upscale neighborhoods and safe areas, at a time when Algerians were suffering from “the brutality of French colonialism in the countryside and villages.”

She adds that the capabilities of the Algerian resistance fighters were almost non-existent in the cities, which prompted the leaders of the revolution at the time to think about a strategy to transfer revolutionary action to cities, specifically to European neighborhoods.

Zarif was one of those chosen to carry out such operations by placing bombs in places frequented by the French in the European neighborhoods of the Algerian capital.

Zarif and her companions found it very easy to enter these neighborhoods without attracting any attention. “We were very similar to European women in our features and the way we dressed. We asked our officials in the revolution to assign us tasks within the European neighborhoods, and this is what happened.”

Zarif remembers with many details her role in the “Battle of Algiers” She presents many of the events in her book, but she recounted some of them to an audience at the Wilson Center in Washington.

The activist was in elementary school, and had a French friend named Roslyn García. Zarif says she remembers well when the results of the final exams for the transition to the preparatory stage came out.

Zahra Zarif passed the exams, while her friend Roslyn failed. This event will not pass easily and will have an impact on the life of the Algerian activist Zarif says that her French friend was very angry, not because she did not pass the final exams, but because Zarif outperformed her, even though she was not French.

She adds, “I thought carefully about the words of my French friend and made sure at the time, and at an early stage, that whatever I did and whatever successes I achieved, I would not become one of them in the eyes of the French.”

Zarif tried to cheer her friend up. “I told her not to be afraid of your mother but tell her that the Arabs were the ones who discovered arithmetic and mathematics, so Zahra succeeded and I failed.”

This incident was a turning point in Zarif’s life. With the passage of time she began to read a lot to find many facts that were absent from her. “I discovered through my knowledge that I am not Algerian in my country, nor am I French. Rather, I belong to the family of French Muslims who are not of the same degree as the French.”

The spokeswoman added that the dire conditions in which the Algerians lived and the brutal methods used by the French against the Algerians “made us feel the duty of the revolution within us at an early age.”

طفولة زهرة ظريف بالانجليزية

طفولة زهرة ظريف بالانجليزية :

Many factors contributed to crystallizing the national character of Zahra Zarif, first: the social status enjoyed by her family, an educated father who taught her at an early age the true history of her country and a mother who instilled in her that she was not French and would not be French even if she had studied French culture, and her brother Abdelkader who used to provide her International and local news thanks to his involvement in the Islamic Scouts.

8Then my parents, Samia Lakhdari, and the women she used to meet in the bathroom. This space, the “bathroom”, during this period was a feminist space par excellence, where women used to meet and communicate with them, away from the control of society and the authority of men and the French.

In the bathroom, I learned that the soldiers of the Liberation Army are called mujahideen and when they are killed they are called martyrs. She used to come out of the bathroom convinced more than ever that the National Liberation Front is alive in the conscience of Algerians, contrary to what the French press is promoting.

Third: France’s defeat in Diane Bienfo, the independence of Tunisia Morocco and Madagascar, and the Skikda massacres in August 1957, all of which contributed to the development of its national feeling. Her joining the university and the Algerian student movements at the time contributed to the formation of her revolutionary personality.

10Finally, the contact with the National Liberation Front came because of her meeting with Boualem or a friend, Mustafa Fattal and Ali al-Hadi. At the beginning of their recruitment in the National Liberation Front, the mission of Zahra Zarif (whose revolutionary name is Farida) and her friend Samia Lakhdary (whose revolutionary name is Nabila) was limited to social work and therefore she did not continue her university studies .

After the fire of the Kasbah, July 14, 1956 and the attack on Tibes Street, the National Liberation Front doubled its armed action and transferred the war to the French neighborhoods, where Zahra Zarif and her friend Samia Lakhdary planted the “milk bar” and “cafeteria” bombs at the end of September 1956, and this was their first armed action.

Finally, it can be said that this book has great documentary, social and historical value. It also enjoys great literary value for the narrative style adopted by Zahra Zarif, but with real characters.

حوار مع زهرة ظريف

حوار مع زهرة ظريف أكدت فيه أنها لن تستكين هي ومن معها من مجموعة الـ 19 – 4 حتى يتسنى لهم مقابلة الرئيس بوتفليقة، الذي وجهوا له رسالة يدعونه فيها لمقابلتهم قبيل عيد اندلاع الثورة أول نوفمبر الماضي، مضيفة أنها تشعر بأن اللقاء بالرئيس بات قريبا أكثر من أي وقت مضى.

وشددت بطاط، في حديث مقتضب لـ “الحوار”، على هامش نزولها ضيفة على منتدى “الحوار”، الذي استضاف المجاهد وقائد الولاية الرابعة التاريخية يوسف الخطيب، شددت على تمسكها هي ومن معها بمقابلة الرئيس بوتفليقة شخصيا.

وقالت المتحدثة أنها متفائلة جدا وتدرك أن الرئيس لن يخيبها ومن معها، كما أنها تشعر بأن اللقاء بات قريبا من أي وقت مضى، مبدية في نفس الوقت أسفها على من هاجموا مسعى الـ 19.

عقيلة الراحل رابح بطاط، أشارت إلى أنها تعلم جيدا المهام الثقيلة الملقاة على رئيس الجمهورية وتدرك جيدا ضيق وقته، لكنها تعلم أيضا أنه لن يفوت الفرصة لمقابلتنا، وسيحاول إيجاد الوقت المناسب لذلك، ونتمناه أن يكون قريبا.

المتحدثة ذاتها أيضا، علقت على سحب أربعة أشخاص توقيعهم على الرسالة، بالقول “الثورة المجيدة وما أدراك ما الثورة المجيدة وانسحب منها أشخاص، فكيف لا ينسحب من مسعانا أناس، هذا أمر عادي بالنسبة إلينا وهم أحرار في أنفسهم ولن يؤثروا على مطالبتنا بمقابلة رئيس الجمهورية عبد العزيز بوتفليقة”.

وعن ما إذا كانت قد تعرضت إلى ضغوطات من أي جهة مثلما أشار المنسحبون من المجموعة، ردت ظريف بقولها إن لا أحد تحدث معها بخصوص هذا الموضوع، ولم تتعرض لأي ضغط من أي جهة، وهي متمسكة بالمسعى الذي وقعته لآخر رمق.

يشار إلى أن زهرة ظريف بطاط ولخضر بورقعة وعبد القادر قروج مجاهدون محكوم عليهم بالإعدام، هم من أعطوا زخما للرسالة التي وقعها في البداية 19 شخصية وطنية، قبل انسحاب أربعة أشخاص فيما بعد محسوبين على وزيرة الثقافة السابقة، خليدة تومي.

حياة المجاهدة زهرة ظريف

كانت تدرس في ثانوية البنات في الجزائر العاصمة إلى أن اندلعت الثورة الجزائرية شاركت معها في الحرب حسيبة بن بوعلي وياسف سعدي جميلة بوحيرد وغيرهم وكانت مضمة مع مجموعة ياسف سعدي والعربي بن مهدي لوضع القنابل بالجزائر العاصمة وكانت من أوائل النساء لوضع القنابل بالجزائر العاصمة برفقة جميلة بوحيرد وجميلة بو عزة وحسيبة بن بوعلي، وهي عضو في جمعية النساء الجزائرية للحرية والاستقلال، تم القبض عليها أثناء عملية نسف الجيش الفرنسي للمنزل الذي يختبأ فيه علي لابوانت وحسيبة بن بو علي وعمر الصغير، بعد القبض عليها مع ياسف سعدي أعلن الجيش الفرنسي سجنها مدى الحياة وذلك في سبتمبر عام 1957 ولكن أطلقت حرة يوم 5 جويلية 1962.

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